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<font size="+2"><i><b>November 11, 2022</b></i></font><br>
<br>
<i>[ Greta Tweeted ] </i><br>
Greta Thunberg<br>
@GretaThunberg<br>
<b>”Global Witness found more than 600 people at the talks in Egypt
are linked to fossil fuels.</b><br>
That's more than the combined delegations from the 10 most
climate-impacted countries.”<br>
<br>
"If you want to address malaria, you don't invite the mosquitoes”<br>
#COP27<br>
<p>- -</p>
<i>[ Head counting of the Count Draculas in attendance ]</i><br>
<b>Over 100 more fossil fuel lobbyists than last year, flooding
crucial COP climate talks</b><br>
Nov 10, 2022<br>
Researchers counted the number of individuals registered - either
directly affiliated with fossil fuel corporations, including the
likes of Shell, Chevron and BP; or attending as members of
delegations that act on behalf of the fossil fuel industry.<br>
<br>
The analysis finds that oil and gas influence at COP is growing:<br>
<blockquote>- 636 fossil fuel lobbyists registered at COP27, an
increase of over 25% from COP26 held last year in Glasgow<br>
- More fossil fuel lobbyists than any single national delegation,
besides the UAE who have registered 1,070 delegates compared to
176 last year. 70 of their delegation this year are classed as
fossil fuel lobbyists.<br>
- Despite being the “African COP” there are more fossil fuel
lobbyists registered than any national delegation from the African
continent.<br>
- 29 countries in total have fossil fuel lobbyists within their
national delegations. After the UAE, Russia has the second most
with 33. <br>
- There are more fossil fuel lobbyists registered than
representatives of the ten countries most impacted by climate
change according to GermanWatch (Puerto Rico, Myanmar, Haiti,
Philippines, Mozambique, The Bahamas, Bangladesh, Pakistan,
Thailand, Nepal)<br>
</blockquote>
<p>It comes as Global South activists, indigenous communities and
others who are disproportionately bearing the brunt of the climate
crisis have effectively been shut out of the talks by high costs,
visa challenges, and repressive actions by the hosting country.</p>
“Tobacco lobbyists wouldn’t be welcome at health conferences, arms
dealers can’t promote their trade at peace conventions. Those
perpetuating the world's fossil fuel addiction should not be allowed
through the doors of a climate conference. It’s time governments got
out of the pockets of polluters, come to their senses and help make
COP27 the success the world vitally needs it to be.”<br>
The presence of lobbyists at COP does not end with the fossil fuel
industry. Other polluting industries deeply implicated in the
climate crisis, such as finance, agribusiness, and transportation
are also present, although they are not included in this particular
analysis.<br>
- -<br>
This is the second year running the organisations have conducted
this analysis, last year finding that there were 503 fossil fuel
lobbyists registered in Glasgow.<br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.globalwitness.org/en/press-releases/over-100-more-fossil-fuel-lobbyists-last-year-flooding-crucial-cop-climate-talks/">https://www.globalwitness.org/en/press-releases/over-100-more-fossil-fuel-lobbyists-last-year-flooding-crucial-cop-climate-talks/</a><br>
<p>- -<br>
</p>
<i>[ read it from the source ]</i><br>
<b>636 fossil fuel lobbyists granted access to COP27</b><br>
Nov 10, 2022<br>
<b>List of all the fossil fuel lobbyists we identified, including
what delegation they attended as part of --</b><br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/fossil-gas/636-fossil-fuel-lobbyists-granted-access-cop27/">https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/fossil-gas/636-fossil-fuel-lobbyists-granted-access-cop27/</a><br>
<p>- -</p>
<i>[ just one of the live discussions at COP 27]</i><br>
<b>The ‘Country of Permafrost’ is the Major Emitter Missing from COP</b><br>
International Cryosphere Climate Initiative<br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K2xBTieQlZo">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K2xBTieQlZo</a><br>
<br>
<br>
<i>[ Planet Critical offers deep discussions - video ]</i><br>
<b>Crisis Policies: What We Need From COP27 | Laurie Laybourn</b><br>
Planet: Critical<br>
Nov 9, 2022<br>
Laurie Laybourn is a policy researcher and author. He leads Cohort
2040, which explores how to deepen rapid action toward a more
sustainable and equitable world even as the effects of the
environmental crisis get far worse. Laurie is a visiting fellow at
Chatham House and at the Global Systems Institute, University of
Exeter, as well as an associate fellow at the Institute for Public
Policy Research (IPPR). He is a regular commentator on TV and radio
and co-author of Planet on Fire (Verso 2021). <br>
<br>
We discuss the opportunity in crisis moments throughout history,
with Laurie revealing the best policies for navigating the climate
crisis, nationally and internationally, as well as those for a
sustainable future. He also explains how the our current fiscal
ideologies, including our relationship to debt, impedes necessary
climate action around the world whilst hobbling the global south’s
capacity to respond to increasing catastrophes. Laurie says the
climate crisis is a fiscal problem—could reimagining fiscal policies
keep 1.5 alive?<br>
Discover Laurie's work: <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://laurielaybourn.com/">https://laurielaybourn.com/</a><br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ou89vunM0-4">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ou89vunM0-4</a><br>
<p><br>
</p>
<p><br>
</p>
<i>[ NYTimes published opinion from the top climate journalist -
text clips ]</i><br>
<b>David Wallace-Wells</b><br>
NOVEMBER 10, 2022<br>
Our carbon budget is running out quickly<br>
By David Wallace-Wells<br>
- - <br>
This week in Sharm el Sheikh, Egypt, delegates reconvened for COP27,
this year’s conference, amid a flurry of confident assertions that
the same goal — which has energized and mobilized a global
generation of activists and provides the conventional standard for
judging progress on emissions — was now dead...<br>
- -<br>
“Say goodbye to 1.5° C,” The Economist intoned on a cover this
month, in an edition that called climate adaptation “the challenge
of our age” and also raised the specter of cooling the planet with
geoengineering. With an image of the flooded Cologne Cathedral —
repurposed from a 1986 issue warning of a coming “Klima-Katastrophe”
— the November cover of Der Spiegel announced that the target would
be missed and advised, grimly: “Save yourself, those who can.” The
United Nations secretary general António Guterres, who has spent the
last few years raising the rhetorical stakes, declared on Monday
that “we are on a highway to climate hell with our foot still on the
accelerator.”<br>
<br>
This kind of rhetoric, designed to focus attention and clarify the
stakes of inaction, can also make things murky. What is the line
between climate danger and climate disaster? Or between climate
normal and climate disruption, and climate catastrophe and climate
apocalypse? Is “climate hell” what awaits us past 1.5 degrees, or
past two degrees, or at the level the U.N. expects the world’s
current policy commitments to take us this century, 2.6 degrees?<br>
<br>
The language is useful as a reminder of the grim impacts to come,
but less so as a measure of progress — how much has been done, how
far short we are falling, and how much faster we might have to move
to actually reach our temperature targets. For that, we have a much
more coldhearted standard: the carbon math, which tells us how much
the world is emitting, how much more it can produce while retaining
a decent chance of a particular temperature threshold and,
therefore, how plausible or implausible each threshold really is...<br>
- -<br>
And while cutting emissions more aggressively now would mean more
time to ultimately get all the way to zero emissions, what that
requires in the short term already looks daunting.<br>
<br>
For a 66 percent chance of limiting warming to two degrees there is
a longer timeline than for the 1.5 target, but not much longer —
that full carbon budget would be exhausted in 26 years of current
emissions. From now, emissions would have to drop globally by 5
percent every year, still a much faster drop than has ever been
engineered globally in any year by anything but the Covid-19
pandemic. This is why the climate scientist Glen Peters often says,
cheekily, that 1.5 degrees may be impossible and two degrees only
extremely hard, with 2.5 degrees, relatively speaking, “a walk in
the park.”<br>
<br>
When you look at charts plotting climate promises made by the
nations of the world, they tell a relatively reassuring story, with
Climate Action Tracker’s analysis suggesting that, if fully
implemented, those promises could deliver a global temperature rise
below two degrees, with a central estimate landing at 1.8 degrees.<br>
<br>
But those headline promises paper over an enormous amount of sketchy
accounting. A separate Climate Action Tracker analysis of 37
countries and the European Union, which account for the vast
majority of world emissions combined, finds that none has a climate
policy even “compatible” with a 1.5-degree goal. According to the
Land Gap report released Nov. 1, global climate pledges by countries
require reforestation and other sequestration measures taking up
more land than the entire United States — indeed, require using as
much land to sequester carbon as is used to produce all the world’s
croplands today. The world’s governments are planning twice as much
fossil fuel development as would be consistent with 1.5-degree
goals, and 93 percent of corporations with net-zero pledges are off
track to meet them.<br>
<br>
For decades, those worrying about the geopolitics of climate change
would often drift into debates about possible enforcement
mechanisms, worrying that nations would be simply unwilling to move
on their own. The world has changed more recently, with a moralistic
model of decarbonization as a necessary burden giving way to a green
energy arms race defined by new competition and rivalry. Even so,
ambition is woefully lagging, and in a world full of climate
promises without any meaningful leadership for carbon-based
sanctions, enforcement looks less like planetary governance forcing
countries and corporations to move faster than like finding ways to
hold them to their own promises.<br>
<br>
That is the premise of a report delivered to the secretary general
in Egypt this week that pointed squarely at the problem of climate
hypocrisy — and the delusion that promises and good intentions could
substitute for good math.<br>
<br>
The greenwashing report, focused on private sector pledges, outlines
10 gold standards, including that companies should not be able to
describe themselves as “net-zero-aligned” while continuing to invest
in fossil fuels of any kind, buy cheap carbon credits that don’t
stand up to independent scrutiny, only reduce the intensity of their
work and not the absolute emissions produced by it, and lobby
against climate action or participate only in voluntary disclosure
protocols rather than more transparent regulatory frameworks.<br>
<br>
“You walk down the street and we have oil and gas companies saying,
guess what, we’re net zero, we’re carbon neutral, whatever,” said
Catherine McKenna, the former environment minister of Canada and
current chair of the group that wrote the report. “The problem is
everyone’s making announcements, there’s billboards, there’s all
these things out there. And if you’re a regular person, you’re like:
I don’t know, is that true or not?”<br>
<br>
Whether the United Nations builds a true oversight program for
net-zero pledges, as is called for in the report, is an open
question, but, McKenna said, “we do need to move to a more rigorous
structure for sure.”<br>
<br>
“And that goes for governments too,” she went on. “They need to
actually not just have targets. They need to actually be having
policies that are going to help them reach those targets. And then
they’re gonna have to be more ambitious,” she said. “You have to be
more ambitious.”<br>
<br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://messaging-custom-newsletters.nytimes.com/template/oakv2?campaign_id=253&emc=edit_dww_20221110&instance_id=77188&nl=david-wallace-wells&productCode=DWW®i_id=88317039&segment_id=112774&te=1&uri=nyt%3A%2F%2Fnewsletter%2F1fcc8a2a-2e7c-536f-b435-c947abd89c32&user_id=92d43392605ea6bb4bdc7142e9488efb">https://messaging-custom-newsletters.nytimes.com/template/oakv2?campaign_id=253&emc=edit_dww_20221110&instance_id=77188&nl=david-wallace-wells&productCode=DWW®i_id=88317039&segment_id=112774&te=1&uri=nyt%3A%2F%2Fnewsletter%2F1fcc8a2a-2e7c-536f-b435-c947abd89c32&user_id=92d43392605ea6bb4bdc7142e9488efb</a><br>
<p><br>
</p>
<p><br>
</p>
<br>
<i>[The news archive - looking back]</i><br>
<font size="+2"><i><b>November 11, 2014</b></i></font> <br>
November 11, 2014:<br>
The New York Times reports: <br>
<blockquote> "Denmark, a tiny country on the northern fringe of
Europe, is pursuing the world’s most ambitious policy against
climate change. It aims to end the burning of fossil fuels in any
form by 2050 — not just in electricity production, as some other
countries hope to do, but in transportation as well."<br>
</blockquote>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext"
href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/11/science/earth/denmark-aims-for-100-percent-renewable-energy.html?mwrsm=Email">http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/11/science/earth/denmark-aims-for-100-percent-renewable-energy.html?mwrsm=Email</a><br>
<br>
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