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<font size="+2"><font face="Calibri"><i><b>June</b></i></font></font><font
size="+2" face="Calibri"><i><b> 6, 2023</b></i></font><font
face="Calibri"><br>
</font><br>
<font face="Calibri"> </font><font face="Calibri"><i>[ higher
faster 424 ]</i></font><br>
<font face="Calibri"><b>Broken record: Atmospheric carbon dioxide
levels jump again</b></font><br>
<font face="Calibri">Annual increase in Keeling Curve peak is one of
the largest on record</font><br>
<br>
<font face="Calibri">June 5, 2023</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">Carbon dioxide levels measured at NOAA’s Mauna
Loa Atmospheric Baseline Observatory peaked at 424 parts per
million in May, continuing a steady climb further into territory
not seen for millions of years, scientists from NOAA and Scripps
Institution of Oceanographyoffsite link at the University of
California San Diego announced today. </font><br>
<br>
<font face="Calibri">Measurements of carbon dioxide (CO2) obtained
by NOAA’s Global Monitoring Laboratory averaged 424.0 parts per
million (ppm) in May, the month when CO2 peaks in the Northern
Hemisphere. That is an increase of 3.0 ppm over May 2022, and
represents the fourth-largest annual increases in the peak of the
Keeling Curve in NOAA’s record. Scientists at Scripps, which
maintains an independent record, calculated a May monthly average
of 423.78 ppm , also a 3.0 ppm increase over their May 2022
average.</font><br>
<br>
<font face="Calibri">Carbon dioxide levels are now more than 50%
higher than they were before the onset of the industrial era...</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">- -</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">“Every year we see carbon dioxide levels in our
atmosphere increase as a direct result of human activity,” said
NOAA Administrator Rick Spinrad, Ph.D. “Every year, we see the
impacts of climate change in the heat waves, droughts, flooding,
wildfires and storms happening all around us. While we will have
to adapt to the climate impacts we cannot avoid, we must expend
every effort to slash carbon pollution and safeguard this planet
and the life that calls it home.” ...</font><br>
<br>
<font face="Calibri"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.noaa.gov/news-release/broken-record-atmospheric-carbon-dioxide-levels-jump-again">https://www.noaa.gov/news-release/broken-record-atmospheric-carbon-dioxide-levels-jump-again</a></font><br>
<font face="Calibri"></font>
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</font></p>
<p><font face="Calibri"><br>
</font></p>
<font face="Calibri"><i>[ Times of Israel to face science ]</i><br>
</font><font face="Calibri"><b>Recent heatwave’s power cuts
underline failure to properly prepare for climate change</b><br>
Malfunctions and poor planning led to outages for 300,000 Israelis
in temperatures of over 40°C, as inefficiency and red tape hinder
expansion, optimization of power grid<br>
By SUE SURKES <br>
5 June 2023<br>
</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">Hundreds of thousands of people were left
without electricity Friday afternoon as a powerful heatwave Friday
sent temperatures soaring to over 40 degrees Celsius (104 degrees
Fahrenheit) in many parts of the country, sparking massive demand
for electricity as homes and businesses attempted to crank up the
air conditioning.<br>
<br>
Those responsible for producing and distributing Israel’s
electricity predictably blamed one another.<br>
<br>
Energy Minister Israel Katz castigated the previous government for
failing to approve additional gas-fired power stations, two of
which were greenlighted by the current government last week...</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">- --</font><br>
<font face="Calibri"><b>Too many cooks in the kitchen?</b><br>
There are a plethora of bodies responsible for electricity in
Israel.<br>
<br>
The Energy Ministry determines supply targets and must ensure that
they are reached.<br>
<br>
The Electricity Authority, a body within that ministry, takes care
of regulations and financial incentives, which the Finance
Ministry is in charge of deciding whether to fund and to what
extent.<br>
- -</font><br>
<font face="Calibri"><b>Red tape</b><br>
Israel is crawling towards establishing two new power stations
fired by fossil fuel gas, while progress on renewable energy is
laughably small.<br>
<br>
The state has promised the United Nations that by 2030, 30 percent
of its electricity will be generated by renewable sources —
primarily the sun. However, it is going nowhere near the pace
needed to meet this target...<br>
</font><font face="Calibri">- -</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">Last week, the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development issued a blistering review of
Israel’s environmental performance over the past decade, calling
for a climate law that has legally binding emissions reductions
and renewable energy production targets.<br>
<br>
Such binding targets are, however, opposed by both the finance
and energy ministries, holding up efforts to pass a climate law,
including a current one by Environmental Protection Minister Idit
Silman.<br>
</font><font face="Calibri"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/recent-heatwaves-power-cuts-underline-failure-to-adequately-ready-for-climate-change/">https://www.timesofisrael.com/recent-heatwaves-power-cuts-underline-failure-to-adequately-ready-for-climate-change/</a><br>
</font>
<p><font face="Calibri"><br>
</font></p>
<p><font face="Calibri"><br>
</font> </p>
<font face="Calibri"> <i>[ From Jacobin magazine ]</i></font><br>
<font face="Calibri"> </font> <font face="Calibri"><b>“Awareness”
Will Not Save Us From Climate Disaster</b><br>
BY MATT HUBER<br>
Spreading knowledge and awareness of the climate crisis isn’t
enough. There’s no hope for the planet without climate policies
that address the material interests of workers.</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">05.12.2022<br>
</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">Excerpted from <b>Climate Change as Class War:
Building Socialism on a Warming Planet</b><b> </b>(Verso Books,
May 2022)<br>
<br>
In the mid-2000s, there was a real sense of momentum in climate
politics. In 2006, Al Gore’s film An Inconvenient Truth was
heralded as the Silent Spring of our generation; sure to mobilize
millions to the climate fight. In the same year, economist
Nicholas Stern alarmed the policy world with his Stern Review on
the Economics of Climate Change, a seven-hundred-page report
predicting that the costs of climate change could amount to
between 5 and 20 percent of GDP. In 2007, the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released its fourth assessment
report, laying out the dire science and the rapid changes needed.<br>
<br>
All of this seemed to be building toward the 2009 international
meeting in Copenhagen where many expected the world — and,
hopefully, the United States — would finally come together to
solve the problem.<br>
<br>
The earth itself was also calling for action. In the summer of
2007, the areal extent of Arctic sea ice reached a record low of
4.13 million square miles, 38 percent below the average and
shattering the previous record, set in 2005, by 24 percent. The
following spring, James Hansen and a team of scientists submitted
a paper — “Target Atmospheric CO2: Where Should Humanity Aim?” —
that declared, “If humanity wishes to preserve a planet similar to
that on which civilization developed and to which life on Earth is
adapted, paleoclimate evidence and ongoing climate change suggest
that CO2 will need to be reduced from its current 385 ppm to at
most 350 ppm.”<br>
<br>
Given all the momentum and sense of urgency, climate activist Bill
McKibben and “a group of university friends” founded the activist
organization 350.org, which took Hansen’s target of 350 parts per
million of CO2 as a rallying cry for change. McKibben wrote
several pieces claiming it was “the most important number on the
planet” and organized a massive worldwide day of action for
October 24, 2009, to force states to abide by this objective,
scientific target.<br>
<br>
In 2012, his viral article in Rolling Stone, “Global Warming’s
Terrifying New Math,” focused again on a set of numbers (2°
Celsius, 565 gigatons) and set the stage for his “Do the Math
Tour,” which “sold out shows in every corner of the country.”
McKibben used these numbers to lay out the necessary political
prescription: the fossil fuel industry will burn every last
gigaton of carbon it can access — and it must be stopped.<br>
<br>
Yet the reliance on numbers and appeals to scientific objectivity
means McKibben and others are always trying to stake out what is
not political in the climate struggle.<br>
<br>
In an appearance on Comedy Central’s Colbert Report, McKibben
repeated one of his major talking points: “Science isn’t like
politics. Chemistry and physics don’t bargain that way.” Several
years later, he described the climate struggle as a battle against
physics. “This negotiation is between people and physics. And
therefore it’s not really a negotiation. Because physics doesn’t
negotiate. Physics just does.”<br>
<br>
McKibben’s 350.org and others chose to strategically focus on
climate politics as a struggle over questions of science and
knowledge; for them, it was about what scientists assert are the
causes of and solutions to climate change. But in the end, it
seems that the critical question at the heart of climate politics
is always one of belief or denial in the science.<br>
<br>
There are obvious and good reasons for this. We only understand
climate change through scientific measurements of greenhouse gases
in the atmosphere and increasingly sophisticated models predicting
our climate future. That the science has discovered the problem of
climate change means it will always be at the heart of climate
politics...<br>
</font><font face="Calibri">- -<br>
</font><font face="Calibri">Yet after the seeming momentum of
2007–8, it all went sideways. The global capitalist economy
collapsed, the United States reassumed its role as delayer in
Copenhagen — and to this day, the climate movement still has not
ignited the kind of transformative change needed. In fact,
McKibben consistently and correctly points out that we are losing
the climate fight, and badly.<br>
<br>
What are the limits of making climate politics about knowledge?
This kind of politics of knowledge appeals to a specific class
position: the professional class. I define the professional class
broadly as those who marshal degrees, licenses, and other
credentials in the market for labor power. Like McKibben and his
“group of university friends,” the professional class still
remains at the core of the climate movement — scientists,
journalists, and college students.<br>
<br>
The professional class is a product of the historically shifting
geographies of capital accumulation where knowledge became an
entryway to a secure livelihood amid deindustrialization and
declining working-class power. Underpinning the knowledge economy
is the centrality of education and credentials in defining one’s
qualifications for particular kinds of occupations. Yet beyond the
labor market, the professional class is also reproduced through a
sociocultural milieu that valorizes knowledge in general — keeping
up with news, doing your research, and getting the facts straight.<br>
<br>
Climate politics is also shaped by a professional world of
“policy.” As Naomi Klein points out, it was a case of “bad timing”
when scientists came to a consensus about the severity of climate
change at precisely the same moment when political power shifted
toward a free market ideology of deregulation and austerity in the
1980s. Still, for much of this period, professionals in the
nonprofit and policy worlds clung to a belief that climate change
could be solved through a series of technocratic and market-based
solutions. Centrist economist Brad DeLong describes this as a
project that aims “to use market means to social democratic ends.”<br>
<br>
For this brand of policy technocrat, the climate struggle is not a
power struggle over material production, but a struggle over ideas
and logical policy designs. Those in the climate policy community
understood that the Right had won power and thought they could
outsmart them with elegant market-based policies inciting
large-scale climate mitigation. They were very wrong.<br>
<b><br>
</b><b>The Politics of the Professional Class</b><b><br>
</b>Much of the discussion of the professional class today is
indebted to the concept of the “professional-managerial class”
(PMC) coined by Barbara and John Ehrenreich. The Ehrenreichs’
impetus for theorizing the PMC came from its centrality in shaping
the New Left movements of the 1960s and ’70s. As they put it: “The
rebirth of PMC radicalism in the sixties came at a time when the
material position of the class was advancing rapidly. Employment
in PMC occupations soared, and salaries rose with them.”<br>
<br>
They describe how the best parts of the New Left certainly
contested capitalist control of the economy but combined this with
“moralistic contempt of the working class.” The Ehrenreichs cite
the famous Port Huron Statement issued by Students for a
Democratic Society: “Any new left in America must be, in large
measure, a left with real intellectual skills, committed to
deliberativeness, honesty, reflection as working tools.”...<br>
</font><font face="Calibri">- -<br>
</font><font face="Calibri">Politics, from a professional-class
perspective, is a largely cultural terrain over knowledge and a
coming-to-consensus on ideas. The professional class elevates
“intellectual autonomy and public service” alongside credentials
and expertise above all else.<br>
<br>
Moreover, if the university is, in the Ehrenreichs’ words, “the
historical reproductive apparatus of the PMC,” it also became an
epicenter of two kinds of engagement with politics. First, there
was an explosion of academic technocrats and other highly educated
policy experts who espoused the professional-class commitment to
expertise in solving social and environmental problems. Second,
the university became a bastion of a new mode of radical political
theory, which centered culture over old class lines of struggle.<br>
<br>
Yet, as the Ehrenreichs explain, the class antagonisms between the
PMC and the working class were never resolved, and by the end of
the ’70s, the New Left collapsed into “more [of] a subculture than
a ‘movement.’” As Jean-Christophe Agnew suggests, the professional
class’s abandonment of old class questions seems even starker as
political power continued to shift rightward to capital:
“Considering its relative inattention to issues of production,
equity, exploitation, cultural politics may seem a singularly
inappropriate politics for a time marked by the blatant transfer
of wealth between classes.”<br>
<br>
In other words, the capitalist class organized to amass wealth and
political power on class terms. Meanwhile, the Left, imbued by
professional-class values, became convinced that class politics
were outmoded, orthodox, and ill-equipped for a new
“postindustrial” knowledge economy.<br>
<br>
There is perhaps no better example of the ways in which the
professional class shaped new forms of politics than the
environmental movement.<br>
<br>
<b>A Typology of Professional Class Climate Politics</b><br>
From its beginnings, science was central in shaping environmental
movement consciousness and demands. Indeed, it was Rachel Carson,
a professional marine biologist, who sparked the movement with her
book Silent Spring in 1962. The ecology movement placed scientific
credentials at the center of ecological politics. In 1972, the
Ecologist ran a cover story called “A Blueprint for Survival,”
which claimed a specific politics of authority: “This document has
been drawn up by a small team of people, all of whom, in different
capacities, are professionally involved in the study of global
environmental problems.” The Club of Rome’s more famous 1972
report on overpopulation, “The Limits to Growth,” enacted the same
vision of politics — a struggle over a future adjudicated through
scientific models and expertise.<br>
<br>
It is not only “intellectual autonomy” but also commitment to
“public service” that often characterizes professional-class
values. This commitment is rooted in the idea that professionals
can deploy knowledge toward making the world better.<br>
<br>
I offer a very schematic sketch of different types of
professionals in the climate political scene who seek to combine
expertise and environmental “public service.”...<br>
- -<br>
First, there are the science communicators who are either natural
scientists themselves like Rachel Carson or James Hansen, or
otherwise deeply invested in knowing what the science has
discovered, such as science or environmental journalists. These
types of people believe that the primary problem in environmental
politics is a lack of awareness or an outright denial of
scientific knowledge. It argues that if the masses truly
understood the science, action would follow.<br>
<br>
Second, there are the policy technocrats whose professional
expertise is more likely to be based in law or policy studies and
work in think tanks, academia, or professionalized nonprofits.
Alongside universities, it is worth highlighting the rise of NGOs
— as opposed to unions and parties — as critical centers of
activism and politics in the same era where environmental politics
arose. These types seek to design “smart” policy solutions to
environmental problems. They believe they can use logic and
rational policy design to sway politicians and the public toward
these policies.<br>
</font><br>
<font face="Calibri">Finally, there are the anti-system radicals,
whose own exposure to the science of ecological collapse leads to
a kind of political radicalization. A lot of this radicalization
is rooted in guilt over their own complicity in practices of
consumption central to professional class norms. This kind of
climate activist is more likely to understand that the cause of
environmental problems is systemically rooted in capitalism, but
their political response is to look inward through moralistic
invocations to consume less, reject industrial society, and
advocate micro-alternatives at the local scale. This kind of
person might find the only outlet for such radical ideas in
academia, or they might eschew a profession entirely in favor of
more niche knowledge systems like DIY off-the-grid living or
studying “permaculture” agricultural techniques.<br>
<br>
What connects these three highly schematic “types” is the
centrality of knowledge systems in shaping their political
engagements with environmental problems. My aim is not to discount
the importance of knowledge and science in informing politics, but
rather to point out the ways this politics both evades material
conflict and class struggle, and appeals only to the minority of
society that possesses these educational credentials.<br>
<br>
Above all, professional class climate politics mostly appeals to
professionals themselves. But they are a minority of the
population. If we want to build a democratic majoritarian climate
coalition, we need a politics that appeals beyond the credentialed
classes. In other words, we need a working-class climate politics
centered not on knowledge and smart policy, but rather more
everyday materials struggle over access to energy, food, housing,
and transportation — the very sectors we need to decarbonize.<br>
<br>
While professional class sensibilities tend to assume solving
climate change requires making these things cost more to
“internalize” the costs of emissions, socialists can counter with
a decarbonization program that guarantees access to these basic
needs of working-class life. The 2018–20 explosion of Green New
Deal proposals espousing this vision have sputtered lately, but we
cannot lose sight of this basic insight that we should reorient
climate policies toward direct improvements to workers’ lives who
have suffered decades of neoliberal austerity and assault from the
capitalist class war.<br>
<br>
<i>This work has been made possible by the support of the Puffin
Foundation.</i><br>
<br>
Matt Huber is a professor of geography at Syracuse University. His
new book, <b><i>C</i></b><b><i>limate Change as Class War:
Building Socialism on a Warming Planet</i></b>, is out from
Verso Books in 2022.<br>
</font><font face="Calibri"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://jacobin.com/2022/05/awareness-climate-change-disaster-working-class-professionalism-policy-green-new-deal">https://jacobin.com/2022/05/awareness-climate-change-disaster-working-class-professionalism-policy-green-new-deal</a></font>
<p><font face="Calibri"><br>
</font></p>
<p><font face="Calibri"><br>
</font></p>
<i><font face="Calibri">[ Stanford Study ]</font></i><br>
<font face="Calibri"><b>Does climate cause conflict?</b><br>
Stanford Woods Institute for the Environment<br>
</font><font face="Calibri">“Every year we see carbon dioxide levels
in our atmosphere increase as a direct result of human activity,”
said NOAA Administrator Rick Spinrad, Ph.D. “Every year, we see
the impacts of climate change in the heat waves, droughts,
flooding, wildfires and storms happening all around us. While we
will have to adapt to the climate impacts we cannot avoid, we must
expend every effort to slash carbon pollution and safeguard this
planet and the life that calls it home.” <br>
</font><font face="Calibri"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oplS87scw50">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oplS87scw50</a><br>
</font>
<p><font face="Calibri">- -</font></p>
<i><font face="Calibri">[ threat multiplier ]</font></i><br>
<font face="Calibri"><b>How Climate Change drives Conflict | feat.
@zentouro</b><br>
ClimateAdam<br>
Apr 7, 2022 #CreatorsForChange #ClimateChange<br>
Climate change is a threat multiplier. It makes all those other
things we care about worse. And in 2022 one of the things at the
front of our minds - thanks to the Russian invasion of Ukraine -
is war. Could climate change really trigger conflict? What is the
latest we understand about how global warming and global wars
could feed off each other?<br>
</font><font face="Calibri"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J9CHCbBoaGM">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J9CHCbBoaGM</a><br>
</font>
<p><font face="Calibri"><br>
</font></p>
<p><font face="Calibri"><br>
</font></p>
<font face="Calibri"> <i>[The news archive - looking back at
moments of great certainty in 2001 ]</i><br>
<font size="+2"><i><b>June 6, 2001</b></i></font> <br>
June 6, 2001: The AP reports: <br>
</font>
<blockquote><font face="Calibri">"In a study commissioned by the
White House, the National Academy of Sciences said Wednesday
that global warming 'is real and particularly strong within the
past 20 years' and said a leading cause is emissions of carbon
dioxide from burning fossil fuels. </font><br>
<br>
<font face="Calibri">"The report was requested to help prepare
Bush for his trip to Europe next week, but the academy was not
asked for policy recommendations and it made none. </font><br>
<br>
<font face="Calibri">"In Europe Bush has meetings on global
warming scheduled with various officials. Many Europeans
protested vigorously after Bush, citing looming energy
shortages, in March reversed a campaign promise to limit CO2
emissions from power plants. </font><br>
<br>
<font face="Calibri">"The 24-page National Academy of Sciences
report, an assessment based on previous studies about the
phenomenon, says, 'The primary source, fossil fuel burning, has
released roughly twice as much carbon dioxide as would be
required to account for the observed increase' in temperature. </font><br>
<br>
<font face="Calibri">"The report also blames global warming on
other greenhouse gases directly affected by human activity:
methane, ozone, nitrous oxide and chlorofluorocarbons." </font><br>
</blockquote>
<font face="Calibri"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext"
href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/aponline/20010606/aponline204019_000.htm">http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/aponline/20010606/aponline204019_000.htm</a>
<br>
<br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext"
href="http://www.heatisonline.org/contentserver/objecthandlers/index.cfm?id=3711&method=full">http://www.heatisonline.org/contentserver/objecthandlers/index.cfm?id=3711&method=full</a>
<br>
<br>
<br>
</font>
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