[✔️] September 13, 2023- Global Warming News Digest | Rollie Williams video, Kevin Anderson & Johan Rockström discussion, migration, math over water, Ocean waves, 2015 CA Jerry Brown
Richard Pauli
Richard at CredoandScreed.com
Wed Sep 13 08:59:04 EDT 2023
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/*September 13*//*, 2023*/
/[ Rollie Williams in top form! In this important, interesting and
funny video -- must see /https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_pNRuafoyZ4/ ]/
*The Brainwashing Of America's School Children | Climate Town*
Premiered 9/12/23
2-4-6-8 Oil Money Isn't Great! Watch ad-free & early on Nebula:
https://go.nebula.tv/climatetown
Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/ClimateTown
That’s right, we have OFFICIALLY JOINED NEBULA! And right now, exactly
at this moment, you can get a LIFETIME membership to Nebula, that both
gives you LIFETIME access, but also supports us directly:
https://go.nebula.tv/lifetime?ref=cli...
We have a podcast! It’s called The Climate Denier’s Playbook and you can
listen to it right here: https://linktr.ee/deniersplaybook
And ohhhh yeah we have a newsletter too! You can check it out right
here: https://climatetown.substack.com/
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_pNRuafoyZ4
/[ Kevin Anderson in discussion - much conjecture - worth our attention,
"since we have chosen not to act for the last 40 years."
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lLq8e73-FAw ]/
*Johan Rockström interview | Planetary boundaries, 'negative emissions',
mitigation models & fairness*
Climate Uncensored
Sep 11, 2023 VATNAHALSEN STASJON
Johan Rockström is best known for his work on the Planetary Boundary
Framework and as co-director of the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact
Research. In this wide-ranging conversation with Kevin Anderson,
recorded in Norway in March 2023, they discuss their respective views on
the risks and challenges we face in delivering on our Paris climate
commitments.
CONTENTS:
00:03 Introductions
01:05 Outlining the planetary boundary & tipping points framework
05:14 How long before we see tipping points occurring?
10:00 Climate impacts this century
17:45 Understanding the conservatism of the IPCC process
24:20 Integrated Assessment Models: do they rely too much on CO2
removal?
28:58 Is the promise of future 'carbon dioxide removal' undermining
emission reductions?
37:06 How ready to deploy are 'negative emissions technologies' really?
40:39 Where is equity in Integrated Assessment Models?
46:36 Privileged scientists in wealthy countries have framed the
mitigation agenda
49:15 Is change driven top-down or bottom-up?
52:21 The role for citizens' assemblies in guiding mitigation policy
56:39 Is academia biased towards the status quo, rather than real
action on climate?
👉 The seminal 2009 paper on planetary boundaries that Johan
co-authored, 'Planetary Boundaries: Exploring the Safe Operating Space
for Humanity', is available in full at https://www.jstor.org/stable/26268316
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lLq8e73-FAw
/[ "Reshape" means to migrate ] /
*How Climate Change Will Reshape Where Americans Live | FiveThirtyEight
Politics Podcast*
FiveThirtyEight
May 4, 2023 FiveThirtyEight Politics Podcast
For decades, Americans have been moving south and west. That migration
pattern become apparent in American politics, when seven congressional
districts moved states after the 2020 census, and it continues to be
visible in the booming construction and job markets in cities across the
Sun Belt.
In this installment of the FiveThirtyEight Politics podcast, Galen
speaks with author Jake Bittle, who argues that it’s only a matter of
time before those trends reverse, or at least shift. Although, this
time, he writes in his new book "The Great Displacement," it won’t be
cheap housing, low taxes and plentiful jobs that attract people to new
places. It will be a worsening climate that pushes them away.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dcYMH35Hqog
/[ some simple climate science videos... from Scripps ]/
*The Math of Water*
Scripps Oceanography
Sep 6, 2023 #WomeninSTEM #NSF #mathisfun
Dive into the world of underwater weather with Scripps Oceanography PhD
student Taylor McKie. This engineer-turned-oceanographer studies how the
physics happening below the ocean’s surface impacts water density, which
informs climate and weather patterns such as rain, drought, and even
monsoon storms. In a conversation with Scripps alumna Kate Furby, Taylor
discusses her early love of math, how a background in STEM translates to
the field of ocean physics, and how research on the interactions between
water masses can lead to improved weather predictions and more resilient
communities.
1:55 Taylor McKie explains the Wirewalker instrument
2:40 Taylor uses coffee and cream to illustrate how the submesoscale, or
interactions between different water masses, works
4:11 Animation explaining submesoscale currents, and how they impact our
atmosphere and climate
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NwePqR-4-g8
- -
/[ fundamentals of waves ]/
*Ocean Waves Basics*
Earth Rocks!
Mar 24, 2015 Oceanography
For an introductory college-level earth sciences class: Review of the
basic molecular bonding and shape of the water molecule including a
review of what makes a water molecule polar. Review of the basics of
ocean waves including wave components, generating and restoring forces,
and orbital motion.
**This video comes near the middle of the semester, so there may be
terms with which the audience is unfamiliar. For a full playlist, refer
to the Geology or Oceanography playlist on the Earth Rocks! YouTube Channel.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qogWcsW1eMg
/[The news archive - looking back fossil fuels in California politics ]/
/*September 13, 2015 */
September 13, 2015:
The Los Angeles Times reports on the fossil fuel industry's role in
sabotaging a bill to reduce petroleum consumption in California.
*The inside story of how power struggles doomed Jerry Brown’s top
priority*
BY CHRIS MEGERIAN, MELANIE MASON
SEPT. 13, 2015
Reporting from Sacramento — One of Gov. Jerry Brown’s most
ambitious environmental goals was hanging in the balance when two
powerful California lawmakers met for dinner near the Capitol.
Pushing the governor’s proposal to slash gasoline use on state roads
was Senate leader Kevin de León, a Democrat from Los Angeles.
Sitting across from him was Assemblyman Henry Perea, the Fresno
leader of business-friendly Democrats fighting the plan.
If the two could make a deal, the controversial legislation might be
saved despite fierce opposition from the oil industry. They hit on a
potential compromise that would limit new state regulations, ending
dinner with an agreement to keep working.
“I thought there was a real possibility,” De León said.
But the next day, things fell apart, and the bid to cut gas
consumption was stripped from the bill. At a time when Brown likes
to say the eyes of the world are on California, the leaders conceded
a major environmental fight a few months before they will attend the
United Nations conference on climate change in Paris.
Brown and De León blamed the oil companies, describing their
warnings about gas rationing and high pump prices as a “smoke
screen.” That was far from the only hurdle, however, according to
lawmakers and staff members.
The measure’s supporters were also unable to counter industry
assertions that the bill would hand too much authority to state
regulators — a message that resonated with a new generation of
lawmakers eager to shift more Capitol power in their direction.
Meanwhile, the governor carefully guarded his administration’s wide
authority to pursue aggressive climate-related goals without
interference from the Legislature.
In the end, it wasn’t doubts about the global dangers of climate
change that scuttled the gasoline target, but questions of who would
get to pull the strings in Sacramento.
Interested in the stories shaping California? Sign up for the free
Essential California newsletter >>
De León drew the idea for his legislation directly from Brown’s
January inaugural address, which kicked off the governor’s historic
fourth and final term.
Brown laid out three goals: doubling energy efficiency, generating
half of California’s electricity from renewable sources and cutting
petroleum consumption in half, all within 15 years.
The senator included all three in his bill. But the Brown
administration had mixed feelings about the move, according to
participants in private conversations who declined to speak publicly.
In fact, administration officials believed they could push the state
toward the gas-reduction goal without new legislation. The
California Air Resources Board, a regulatory agency led by longtime
Brown ally Mary Nichols, says it already has programs in place to do
exactly that.
But De León, whose district suffers from poverty and pollution and
who has sought to put his stamp on environmental policies, wanted
the target in law. Whereas the governor is likely to discuss climate
change in global terms, De León pitched the bill as a chance to
improve public health and spark economic development with green jobs.
The measure, SB 350, sailed through the Senate in June. But it
quickly met a hostile reception in the much larger Assembly, where
many members elected under relatively new term limits were eager to
assert themselves, emboldened by the longer service they are
allowed. In addition, business interests hold more sway in the lower
house, and oil companies spent significantly to help elect
candidates last year.
Perea is a top beneficiary of oil largesse; he has received nearly
$100,000 in campaign contributions from the oil and gas industry
since his first Assembly campaign in 2010, according to the National
Institute for Money in State Politics.
Others include Assemblyman Adam Gray (D-Merced), with $80,000, and
Assemblyman Rudy Salas (D-Bakersfield), with more than $65,000.
Perea, who became De León’s main foil, and his allies said they
feared aggressive policies from regulators. Such stringency could
harm low-income communities like Perea’s with higher costs for fuel
and electricity, they said.
To De León, that sounded like talking points from the oil companies.
But the message stuck even with lawmakers who weren’t industry
backers, and Perea brushed off accusations that he was doing oil’s
bidding.
“Who gets to wear the white hat and who gets to wear the black hat …
oversimplifies the issue,” he said, “and allows you not to listen to
the other side, who may actually have a point.”
As lawmakers returned from summer recess in August, the oil
companies’ campaign was in full swing, with television ads, radio
spots, social media graphics and fliers in the mail warning that
rationing would leave families pushing their out-of-gas minivans
down the road.
Environmental activists responded by going door to door in undecided
lawmakers’ neighborhoods. National Democratic figures backed the
bill; President Obama mentioned it in a Las Vegas speech.
But the rallying cry was falling flat. The debate was grating on
lawmakers. Some Democrats, including Perea and Assemblyman Sebastian
Ridley-Thomas of Los Angeles, began blocking activists on Twitter.
Administration officials ramped up their involvement as the deadline
for bills neared, but it was clear that the atmosphere surrounding
the issue had already become poisonous.
Some proposed concessions — making the gas target more flexible, for
example — didn’t appease opponents, who felt their concerns about
oversight were not being adequately addressed.
With only three days to go until the Legislature adjourned, “we’re
still not happy,” said Assemblyman Jose Medina (D-Riverside).
That night De León dined with Perea. Their idea was simple: If
administration officials felt they could reach the gas target with
existing policies, why not bar regulators from adopting additional
rules?
But the next day, De León reconsidered. He and Brown feared the
change would be a Trojan horse: Rather than simply bar new
regulations, it would allow oil companies to re-litigate policies
already in place.
For the governor, it was critical that regulators kept a free hand
to pursue his climate-related goals. His meetings with oil
representatives suggested they would settle for nothing less than a
neutered air board.
“He was given a Hobson’s choice. There was no good solution,” said
Timothy O’Connor, director of the California Climate Initiative at
the Environmental Defense Fund. “In the end, he wanted to preserve
his world-class agency.”
Now the end of the legislative session was just two days away. Brown
and De León needed to decide their next move. They huddled in the
senator’s office with Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins (D-San Diego)
while reporters stood outside.
De León wanted a vote on the Assembly floor. He believed his bill
could pass with a few tolerable concessions if environmental and
labor groups could be rallied to tip undecided lawmakers to their side.
But after more than two hours, the trio agreed there was no path
forward that included the gas goal. Dropping it was the only way to
get a vote on the rest of the bill, which still included important
mandates for renewable energy and energy efficiency.
They decided to cut their losses, but they stayed mum. Opponents of
the bill began lining up votes for a floor fight, not knowing they
had already won.
At a hastily arranged news conference, Brown, De León and Atkins
told reporters the measure — which the Legislature ultimately passed
on Friday night — would no longer be the “triple crown.”
Asked if the defeat would weaken California’s message at the Paris
summit, Brown said, “We have to keep working here at home.”
He thanked De León and Atkins for their work.
“This was a tough battle,” he said gravely, “and they’re going to
have a few scars to show for it.”
chris.megerian at latimes.com
melanie.mason at latimes.com
Twitter: @chrismegerian and @melmason
http://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-sac-brown-legislature-20150913-story.html
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