[✔️] April 9, 2023- Global Warming News Digest | Blow up a Pipeline, Climate Anxiety, Pitchfest for scripts, Oreskes on Free Markets,

Sun Apr 9 10:48:07 EDT 2023

/*April*//*9, 2023*/

/[ Trailer for the new movie.   Activism heals despair -  what about 
destruction?  Movie opened in theaters yesterday ]/
*How to Blow Up a Pipeline *
1,512,597 views  Mar 2, 2023
A crew of young environmental activists execute a daring mission to 
sabotage an oil pipeline in this taut and timely thriller that is part 
high-stakes heist, part radical exploration of the climate crisis.
Starring Ariela Barer, Kristine Froseth, Lukas Gage, Forrest Goodluck, 
Sasha Lane, Jayme Lawson, Marcus Scribner & Jake Weary.
A Film By Daniel Goldhaber  Ariela Barer  Jordan Sjol  Daniel Garber
Written By Ariela Barer  Jordan Sjol  Daniel Goldhaber
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bSb585bGYmQ

- -

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/How_to_Blow_Up_a_Pipeline_(film)

/[  Classic message on climate change anxiety ]/
*How to Fight Climate Anxiety*
Our Changing Climate
56,074 views  Oct 21, 2022  #anxiety #socialism #climatechange
Support OCC and get 20+: bonus videos by signing up for Nebula: 
https://go.nebula.tv/occ/
Watch the full companion video on the wellness industry here: 
https://nebula.tv/videos/occ-how-the-...

In this Our Changing Climate climate change video essay, I look at how 
you can fight climate anxiety. Specifically, I look at the root causes 
of eco-anxiety and climate anxiety, why climate anxiety might only 
become more prevalent, and then offer up some ideas on how to cope and 
move through eco and climate anxiety.

Climate anxiety resources you might find helpful :

    1. If you or someone you know is thinking about harming themselves,
    please reach out for help. You can reach the US National Suicide
    hotline 24/7 at 1-800-273-TALK (8255) or visit this link for a list
    of international suicide hotlines:
    https://www.suicidestop.com/call_a_ho...
    2. Climate Cafes: http://climatechangecafe.org/
    3. Good Grief Network: https://www.goodgriefnetwork.org/
    4. Some US and International Climate Justice Organizations you could
    join: https://climatejusticealliance.org/me...
    5. Gen Dread Newsletter: https://gendread.substack.com/
    6. For more exhaustive resources: www.climateandmind.org

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B07DLgzOQEg

/[calling all writers ]/
*Writing Climate Pitchfest 2023 Applications *
 From now until April 27th, screenwriters concerned about the climate 
crisis are invited to submit their climate-related TV and film scripts 
to present at our pitch event taking place on June 22 at 7 pm PT for 
in-person finalists and June 18-21 for virtual finalists.

This year’s 24 Pitchfest winners will receive:

▪️Four one-on-one pitch meetings with Hollywood executives, producers, 
and agents
▪️Pitch practice sessions with an industry mentor
▪️Access to climate storytelling educational materials
▪️Free tickets to the Hollywood Climate Summit’s in-person and digital 
events.

Learn more and apply at hollywoodclimatesummit.com or the link in bio.

#Film #TV #Script #Climate #Pitch #Pitchfest #Hollywood
https://www.instagram.com/p/CqtQVLJPgP7/

- -

theredfordcenter
The Redford Center
Nonprofit organization
Advancing environmental solutions through the power of stories that 
move. 🎬🌏
linktr.ee/theredfordcenter
Followed by hollywoodclimatesummit

https://www.instagram.com/theredfordcenter/

/[ Naomi Oreskes - audio and text - WBUR ]/
*'The Big Myth' explores the belief that free markets are a fundamental 
American righ*t
Updated March 03, 2023
Scott Tong, Emiko Tamagawa
Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway know a provocative subject. Their 
best-selling 2010 book "Merchants of Doubt" explored how four physicists 
laid the groundwork for climate change denial by arguing against 
government regulation and in favor of the free market.

The idea of a pure, unadulterated free market and how it came to be is 
the story in their new book, "The Big Myth: How American Business Taught 
Us to Loathe Government and Love the Free Market." The book acknowledges 
a useful nature of market forces to set prices and reward work. The myth 
referenced in the title is market fundamentalism, says Oreskes, a 
science historian at Harvard Univeristy.

WBUR is a nonprofit news organization. Our coverage relies on your 
financial support. If you value articles like the one you're reading 
right now, give today.

“What we're trying to show in the book is how an ideal of the free 
market in the singular was put forward by business interests in the 
United States,” Oreskes says, “as a way to fight back against regulation 
of the workplace, to fight back against people who are trying to limit 
child labor and to persuade the American people that government 
regulation of the marketplace was not in our interest.”

Market fundamentalism plays out in Republican opposition to action on 
climate change and regulation of drugs like opioids, Oreskes says, as 
well as tax cuts for the rich and income inequality. The latter come 
from the idea that letting the rich do business will benefit everyone, 
but evidence shows that’s not true.

“Not too many people today would stand up in public and say greed is 
good. But people do continue to say that self-interest is good, that 
self-interest drives entrepreneurs, it drives people to invent things 
and be creative,” she says. “And that's true up to a point. But we also 
know that self-interest has to be tempered against the common good, and 
that when we have inadequate regulation of markets and workplaces, 
people get hurt.”

    *Book excerpt: 'The Big Myth: How American Business Taught Us to
    Loathe Government and Love the Free Market'*
    By Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway

    Over the past several decades, American business has manufactured a
    myth that has held us in its grip: the idea of “the magic of the
    marketplace.”

    Some people call it market absolutism or market essentialism. In the
    1990s, George Soros popularized the name we find most apt: market
    fundamentalism. It’s a quasi-religious belief that the best way to
    address our needs—whether economic or otherwise—is to let markets do
    their thing, and not rely on government. Market fundamentalists
    treat “The Market” as a proper noun: something unique and unto
    itself, that has agency and even wisdom, that functions best when
    left unfettered and unregulated, undisturbed and unperturbed.
    Government, according to the myth, cannot improve the functioning of
    markets; it can only interfere. Governments therefore need to stay
    out of the way, lest they “distort” the market and prevent it from
    doing its “magic.” In the late twentieth century, market
    fundamentalism was cloaked in the seemingly ancient raiment of
    received wisdom.

    Classical liberal economists—including Adam Smith—recognized that
    government served essential functions, including building
    infrastructure for everyone’s benefit, and regulating banks, which
    left to their own devices could destroy an economy. They also
    recognized that taxation was required to enable governments to
    perform those functions. But in the early twentieth century, a group
    of self-styled “neo-liberals” shifted economic and political
    thinking radically. They argued that any government action in the
    marketplace, even well intentioned, compromised the freedom of
    individuals to do as they pleased—and therefore put us on the road
    to totalitarianism. Political and economic freedom were
    “indivisible,” they insisted: any compromise to the latter was a
    threat to the former—any compromise at all, even to address obvious
    ills like child labor or workplace injury. Why did we ever come to
    accept a worldview so impervious to facts? A worldview Smith
    himself, often thought of as the father of free-market capitalism,
    would have rejected?

    Between us we have been to all fifty states and lived in twelve,
    including wilderness Alaska and a dying mill town in northern New
    Hampshire. On our travels, we have found that market fundamentalism
    is widespread in “blue” and “red” states alike, and that some
    version of it underlies most climate change skepticism. Many people
    seem to take Ronald Reagan’s view that “the government” is the
    problem, as it stands ready to steal both their money and their
    freedom. When asked why they hold these views—why they are skeptical
    that climate change is man-made or that government can do anything
    about it—they often point to articles they read in Fortune, Forbes,
    or the Wall Street Journal. As one of our students put it, the most
    common answer, whether in Massachusetts or Montana, was “markets,
    markets, markets.” Thus emerged the question that we have spent the
    past decade studying: How did so many Americans come to have so much
    faith in markets and so little faith in government?

    Market fundamentalism is not just the belief that free markets are
    the best means to run an economic system but also the belief that
    they are the only means that will not ultimately destroy our other
    freedoms. It is the belief in the primacy of economic freedom not
    just to generate wealth but as a bulwark of political freedom. And
    it is the belief that markets exist outside of politics and culture,
    so that it can be logical to speak of leaving them “alone.”

    As George Soros has summarized, “the doctrine of laissez-faire
    capitalism holds that the common good is best served by the
    uninhibited pursuit of self-interest.” That’s the core argument Adam
    Smith made in 1776 and contented capitalists have accepted ever
    since. Market fundamentalists, however, depart from Smith by
    insisting there is no “common good,” merely the sum of all the
    individual private goods. For this reason, they reject government’s
    claims to represent “the people”: there are only individuals who
    represent themselves, and they do this most effectively not through
    their governments, even democratically elected ones, but through
    free choices in free markets. Milton Friedman, America’s most famous
    market fundamentalist, went so far as to argue that voting was not
    democratic, because it could too easily be distorted by special
    interests and because in any case most voters were ignorant. But
    rather than consider how special interests might be mitigated or how
    voters could be better informed, he maintained that true freedom was
    not expressed in the voting booth. “The economic market provides a
    greater degree of freedom than the political market,” Friedman said
    in South Africa in 1976, as he encouraged the citizens of that
    country not to fuss over apartheid, but to preserve and expand their
    market-based economy.

    Friedman’s argument works when we are talking about the freedom to
    buy, say, shoes of any type. But it fails when we consider the
    larger picture, including deceptive advertising, aggressive and
    misleading public relations campaigns, and what economists call
    “external costs”: costs that are invisible to or misunderstood by
    the shoe buyers, or that accrue to people who didn’t buy those shoes
    at all. Pollution is an external cost. What happens when the shoe
    manufacturer dumps toxic chemicals behind the plant and hides that
    fact from its workers, investors, and customers? Friedman downplayed
    the problem by giving it the friendly label of “neighborhood
    effects,” and claimed that any remedy would almost always be worse
    than the disease, because of the loss of freedoms or compromises to
    property rights typically associated with government regulations. In
    some cases, he may have been right. Regulations do compromise
    someone’s freedom in order to protect the freedom (and welfare) of
    others. When it comes to pollution, the “freedom” of factories to
    dump toxic wastes has been rightly rejected. When it comes to
    climate change, the “freedom” of corporations to sell oil, gas, and
    coal jeopardizes the rest of us. This creates a fundamental dilemma
    for the fundamentalists. But rather than rethink their arguments,
    market fundamentalists protect their worldview by denying that
    climate change is real or asserting that somehow “The Market” will
    fix it, despite all evidence to the contrary.

    Like all good myths, the myth of the magic of the marketplace has a
    kernel of truth. As any economist could tell you, markets can
    efficiently allocate resources. Markets are good for getting
    productive uses out of the inputs that create wealth. They are also
    good for amassing information. Markets reveal a lot about what
    people want, how far they are willing to go to get it, and how much
    they are willing to pay for it. If efficiency were our only goal,
    then market fundamentalism might make sense. But efficiency is a
    tool, not an end.

    This raises a profound question: Is capitalism itself to blame for
    climate change, as critics such as Naomi Klein and Andreas Malm
    argue? Or the opioid crisis? Or the lack of affordable housing? We
    argue no: the culprit is how we think about capitalism, and how it
    operates. The culprit is market fundamentalist ideology, which
    denies capitalism’s failures and refuses to endorse the best tool we
    have to address those failures, which is democratic government. It
    also fails to acknowledge the role of other tools available to us,
    like corporate governance. Market fundamentalism touts the benefits
    and virtues of deregulation and the value of economic freedom to the
    near eclipse of other concerns.

    A group of individuals and institutions worked to make people
    believe they had to choose between “The Market” and “The State,”
    between unconstrained capitalism and Soviet-style centralized
    planning. But there are all kinds of alternatives, and one important
    one is to see governments and markets as complementary, not as
    opposing camps. Adam Smith and other foundational thinkers
    understood their field of study as one integrated
    discipline—political economy—yet today we (wrongly) treat politics
    and economics as separate spheres.

    Market fundamentalism perpetuates a mistake in categories,
    conflating capitalism, which is an economic system, with democracy,
    which is a political system. We think that the properly framed
    choice is not capitalism versus tyranny; it is democracy versus
    tyranny, and well-regulated capitalism versus poorly regulated
    capitalism. Whether its advocates were cynical or sincere, market
    fundamentalism has hobbled our response to a host of problems that
    face us today, threatening our wellbeing and even the prosperity
    that markets are designed to deliver. The rhetoric of the magic of
    the marketplace made meaningful alternatives disappear.

    This myth powers the enormous wealth gap between the top one percent
    and the rest of us. It has been used to justify a sharp decline in
    the safety and stability of the work most of us do to get by. It has
    blocked the efforts we must take to reverse the heating of our
    planet and protect the very existence of the world as we know it.
    The big myth’s expiration date is long past due. Our futures depend
    on rejecting it.

     From "The Big Myth: How American Business Taught Us to Loathe
    Government and Love the Free Market" by Naomi Oreskes & Erik M.
    Conway, out now from Bloomsbury Publishing. Copyright © 2023 by
    Naomi Oreskes & Erik M. Conway. All rights reserved.

https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2023/02/28/big-myth-book-business

/[The news archive - looking at the early years of trying to call 
attention to this predicament ]/
/*April 9, 2007*/
April 9, 2007: Environmental activist Laurie David and singer Sheryl 
Crow begin a brief tour of colleges and universities across the United 
States to raise awareness about climate change. Later in the month, the 
Washington Post reports on the David/Crow tour.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/04/19/AR2007041900650.html

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